By Norbert Hornstein
Human language turns out to have arisen approximately in the final 50-100,000 years. In evolutionary phrases, this can be the mere blink of a watch. If this is often right, then a lot of what we reflect on particular to language needs to in truth contain operations to be had in pre-linguistic cognitive domain names. during this ebook Norbert Hornstein, the most influential linguists engaged on syntax, discusses a topical set of matters in syntactic thought, together with a couple of unique proposals on the innovative of analysis during this zone. He offers a conception of the fundamental grammatical operations and means that there's just one that's exact to language. If this concept is true then this narrows the evolutionary hole among verbal and non-verbal primates, therefore facilitating the fast evolutionary emergence of our linguistic ability.
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Extra info for A Theory of Syntax: Minimal Operations and Universal Grammar
ZP . ]]]] (25a) is derived from (24) by Tucking-in. Assume that it moves (copy+merges or remerges) and checks a feature of X0 . If linearization tracks Merge, then in (25a), ZP will precede X1 as this is what it has merged with. YP will also precede X1 as it too has merged with X1 in (24). The problem is that YP and ZP in pre-X0 positions are unordered as neither has merged with a constituent containing the other. Compare this Tucking-in derivation with the one in (25b). Here, ZP merges to X2 and so precedes it.
Perhaps. Let’s consider anaphors first. Principle A of the BT requires that an anaphor be locally c-commanded and co-indexed (bound) by its antecedent. 4 Thus, for example, the acceptability of the sentences in (2) can be related to the acceptability of those in (3). (2) a. b. c. (3) a. b. c. John believes himself to be tall John believes himself is tall ∗ John would prefer for Mary to like himself ∗ John was believed t to be tall John was believed t is tall ∗ John would be preferred for it to be seen t (= John would be preferred to be seen) ∗ In each case, the movement is illicit and so is the resulting binding relation.
Mary does not block this movement in (31d) for Mary resides within a PP and so fails to c-command John at the point where movement to Spec T applies. Enough illustration. Let’s assume that the descriptive generalization in (26) is correct and see if we can account for why minimality only holds between expressions in c-command configurations. To start, let’s consider why minimality holds at all. Why should dependencies be subject to this sort of restriction? The intuition behind Rizzi’s original proposal is that grammars prefer shorter dependencies to longer ones.
A Theory of Syntax: Minimal Operations and Universal Grammar by Norbert Hornstein